By Tania Branigan and Lily KuoWhen the People’s Liberation Army massacred hundreds of demonstrators in Beijing on 4 June 1989, the response in Hong Kong was overwhelming. Secretary for Security John Lee officially withdrew the extradition bill on 23 October. We take the hit, we get up and we live to fight another day.”Beijing appears unfazed by US threats or international criticism. But he, like so many in the city, found himself swept along by the tide.Others in the movement began to adopt more radical tactics, storming the legislative council on 1 July. The nature of the move is as alarming as its content: it sets a precedent of Beijing forcing unpopular legislation on Hong Kong, which under the terms of the handover was promised “a high degree of autonomy”.Days later, police announced that they were banning the Tiananmen vigil, citing Covid-19 measures. You can’t just watch,” she said.Though there is no doubt that protesters have been violent, there is widespread suspicion in the movement – rightly or not – that undercover officers have acted as agents provocateurs. We do nothing but mourn, and be the guardians of the truth. They can do anything they want,” said Jay, a 21-year-old student – like many activists, he preferred not to give his name.The hollowness of liberty without democracy has become clear to all.

The request for extradition bill with Mainland China was initiated by Hong Kong Legislation Co in 1998. Those were committed to polite civil disobedience; these are more radical, and at times violent. But if you look at how Hong Kong’s Legislative Council functions, I can’t give you one single day in which the Chinese government didn’t have control over Hong Kong’s legislative council. When the activist Bonnie Leung first attended as a student, a few years later, she was seen as “a weirdo”, she said. If the bill became law, it seemed to spell the end for Hong Kong’s autonomy from China. But in the past year, an increasingly bold protest movement has transformed the city. Beijing is on notice, in front of the entire world. They would elect them for us, and that’s why Hong Kong people protested.They wanted to give us a sham democracy through the election of the chief executive. The Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office described protesters as a “After the announcement, downloads of VPNs soared, as did calls to immigration consultants. But these events also pushed the colonial administration into tackling the needs of the local population: housing, labour rights, education. Hong Kong politician Martin Lee said Hong Kong’s younger generation should be… China’s years of double-digit growth brought economic rewards to the region and optimists hoped that its ongoing economic liberalisation would, over time, bring political change, too: the mainland might become more like Hong Kong. But the idea is so threatening to the Communist party.”It echoed her earlier remark that Hong Kongers knew, even when they didn’t care: not just about 1989, but about all the events that had followed in its wake – as mainlanders could not. They are punishing protesters’ violent conducts but they are not punishing police brutality. The annual Tiananmen Square vigil had been banned, with police citing coronavirus concerns. So they can be rude. Members of the Democratic Legislative council were disqualified from the parliament. For people like Jay, the umbrella movement has been a useful example of what not to do.

Aware of Hong Kong’s anachronistic status in a post-colonial world, the British became highly conscious of the need to respond to public demands.

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